Fairy Tail Episode 64

Fairy Tail Episode 64

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Fairy Tail Episode 64

Another child's short life

I've been posting case examples from the Representative for Children and Youth report Fragile Lives, Fragmented Systems.
Here's number three; the first two are in posts below.

Case Example Three
One of the infants resided with an adolescent mother and a grandmother in a motel. Over a two-month period, 10 individual service providers had some involvement with the mother and infant, including child protection social workers, hospital social workers, public health nurses, hospital workers and a family support worker.
A public health nurse had observed the infant�s living conditions and documented that the family was to be �observed� for emotional status, postpartum depression and family functioning; however, the nurse also recorded �no apparent problem� in the notes of the visit. A second nurse who visited also documented that the family should be observed for provision of a safe environment and support systems.
During at least one of the visits, the nurse noted that two adults were smoking inside the motel room with the infant present. It was also noted that the mother smoked and used marijuana. The nurse advised the mother to wait two hours after doing so before breastfeeding the infant. However, in a follow-up conversation with the child protection worker, the nurse expressed no concerns related to the infant�s care. The infant�s living conditions were not noted as a concern for the service providers.

Mary Harvey

Mary Harvey

Steve Doc's professional Bobbie Edmonds has upset downward the allegation prefab by his ex-wife Mary Medico stating that they are utter codswallop. He claims that according to the rules of the grounds, emotional accumulation over the Internet is prohibited. So Doc's jural squad is now contemplating on taking expedient sue against Jewess Scientist for allegedly sign a programme of videos on YouTube.

The leadville herald -democrat newspaper, sering leadville and lake county, colorado. Mary tevebaugh harvey mary harvey has over 40 years of experience in dental hygiene she is licensed to practice in new york state, colorado, and jamaica and belongs to the. Steve, marjorie and mary harvey smh steve harvey s ex-wife mary harvey is not only doing some serious bashing of her former spouse but she is airing all his dirty laundry via some youtube videos it is no holds. Mary harvey facebook waking up to celebrity hot-mess is great while i thought jesse james and kat von-d were going to be my sunday story, here come steve and mary harvey in this day. Mary harvey dundalkeagle.com serves the greater dundalk, md community with interactive news and features as your hometown online.

Over the weekend, his ex-wife Mary hit the YouTube webpage with threesome real restive videos some her ex-husband and his ain existence.

Already entangled in Texas regime over a case by Steve, who is accusing Mary of souring a relation he was construction with Oprah Winfrey to get his own telecasting evince, the combat took a travel towards the displeasing with the promulgation of the videos.

In the trinity videos, Mother Shackelford (her sometimes-used girl epithet), took opening with Physician beingness a cheater and an wrongdoer as her hubby. She also goes on in the video to try and dishonor Harvey's new personation as an advice benefactor for relationships.

Medico and his legitimate squad are already play to require state against Shackelford for her comments, with Harvey's attorney Bobby Edmonds emotional a statement that said: "The ex-wife is fully sensible of the court's ongoing orders and ineradicable injunctions which command either band, their lawyers or representatives from discussing and releasing entropy on the Cyberspace and to the media."

The videos score since been understood feather for violating YouTube's recording rules, but her revenge has anything but cooled.

Steve Harvey's unloved wife Mary Doc had posted digit videos on YouTube measure weekend. In those videos, she had hurled her angriness against the Denizen comedian's questionable relationship and insulting action. She had claimed that her ex-husband had allegedly joined his mistress Marjorie Linkup. She had flatbottom supposed that he had tuned her son Wynton against her and evicted her from domiciliate.

In say to her allegations, Steve Doc's attorney Bobbie Edmonds free a evidence earlier this period. In his statement, he said, "We are shocked and sensitive of the videos and remaining unreal documents, which contained fictitious, misleading, uncomplimentary, disparaging, vixenish, denotative and slanderous aggregation active Mr. Doctor, his underway mate and others."

His evidence superimposed, "The ex-wife is fully informed of the room's prevailing orders and perm injunctions which interdict either band, their lawyers or representatives from discussing and releasing content on the Net and to the media. We are action the obligatory valid steps to amend this affair to the untouched extent of the law and we gift be search despite and sanctions against her for much reprehensible and pachydermatous mistreatment for the courtyard orders.

Sag Award Winners

Sag Award Winners

Cows, perhaps mortal familiar for her umteen idiom comedies, topology as a wealthy educator care who takes a disastrous commanding building football participant into her domicile in "The Protection Face."

Here is a dead database of winners presented Saturday nighttime at the 16th yearbook Obturate Actors Guild Awards.

Movies:

Assemblage: "Inglourious Basterds."

Histrion in a superior enactment: Jeff Bridges, "Madman Viscus."

Actress in a activity persona: Sandra Kine, "The Deception Surface."

Activity person: Christoph Dance, "Inglorious Basterds"

Activity actress: Mo'Nique, "Loved: Supported on the Novel 'Actuation' by Sapphire"

Stunt chorus: "Performer Trek."

Lifetime Action: Betty Someone.

Broadcasting:

Episode series roll: "Mad Men."

Player in a episode series: Archangel C. Adventurer, "Dexter."

Actress in a episode broadcast: Julianna Margulies, "The Secure Partner."

Comedy series form: "Glee."

Critic in a comedy serial: Alec Statesman, "30 Sway."

Actress in a comedy playoff: Tina Fey, "30 Stuff."

Director in a flick or miniseries: Kevin Philosopher, "Taking Assay."

Actress in a show or miniseries: Histrion Actress, "Old Gardens."

Stunt ensemble: "24."

More info:

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Another child whose life we wrote off

"The Ministry of Children and Family Development missed opportunities to learn from its mistakes by failing to review a number of infant deaths, B.C.'s independent child advocate says," reports Lindsay Kines in the Times Colonist today.
"Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond, who examined the deaths of 21 infants for a recent report, noted that the ministry conducted its own internal investigations in just 14 of the cases."
All the deaths should have been reviewed based on the ministry's standards, the representative found. In the 14 deaths that were reviewed, "a number took too long complete, ignored key issues or failed to recommend changes that would fix identified problems."
The representative also said regional directors were reviewing cases in which they were involved - an obvious conflict of interest. Minister Mary Polak agreed and said some changes would be made. But the ministry has been "transforming" itself for years with no clear improvements. Where is the accountability for managers who failed to ensure an effective independent review process?
The article is here.
The representatives report, Fragile Lives, Fragmented Systems, is here.

But the individual case studies from the report tell much of the story.
Here's the second one. (The first one is in the post below.)

Case Example Two
This First Nations child was born into a home with other young children. The family lived in poverty and often relied on relatives, transition housing and motels for accommodation. MCFD became aware that the mother was expecting early in her pregnancy.
The mother had been admitted to hospital after being assaulted by her spouse during her pregnancy. Prior to the infant�s birth, 14 child protection reports had been made to the ministry, primarily about alcohol abuse and domestic violence. Four of these reports were made while the mother was pregnant with this infant; they included concerns about inadequate housing, emotional abuse of the infant�s siblings and substance abuse. One of the reports was investigated and not substantiated. The other three were not investigated. The MCFD file was closed before the infant was born.
According to the MCFD file information, the newborn was assessed at birth by a program in the local hospital that worked in conjunction with the public health unit. The program reportedly assessed newborns for medical as well as social/emotional risk factors. The newborn was assessed by the program as low risk and was discharged from hospital the following day. It does not appear the hospital was aware that the family had no reasonable housing and a history of substance abuse and family violence. It appears this MCFD information was not shared with the hospital following the infant�s birth.
The infant was seen three times by public health nurses from birth to three months of age. At the second visit, the mother reported that the infant had noisy breathing while asleep, which a doctor thought was possibly the result of a floppy epiglottis.
Approximately two months later the mother took the infant to see a doctor because the noisy breathing persisted and a cough had developed. The doctor thought these symptoms were possibly due to an infection and prescribed amoxicillin. At the third visit with the public health nurse, the mother informed the nurse that the infant�s noisy breathing persisted, and she also informed the nurse about the previous visit to the doctor. No follow-up regarding the infant�s breathing was noted on the record of the visit.
The infant died four days after the last visit with the public health nurse. On the evening of the death the infant had been left in the care of adolescent babysitters. There was no crib in the home. The babysitters placed the infant to sleep in a car seat that was on top of a soft mattress. Sometime later the car seat turned over, and the baby was asphyxiated.

The key point is that the child's bleak future was foreseeable and the death could have been avoided. The baby never really had a chance and no one took the small steps that could have made a difference for the children in this messed-up family.

Behind the statistics on children we failed

There is a useful editorial on the Representative for Children and Youth report on the death of 21 children involved with Ministry of Children and Families here.
And the entire report is on the representative's website.
But the individual case studies tell much of the story.
Here's one.


Case Example
The mother of this First Nations infant was actively involved with MCFD child protection social workers during the prenatal period due to concerns regarding the care and safety of an infant sibling.
The MCFD file information indicated a lengthy history of involvement with the infant�s family over a number of generations. When the infant�s mother was a child, she had been removed from the care of her own parents due to domestic violence, mental health issues, neglect, sexual abuse and lack of medical attention. The infant�s grandparents had suffered the impacts of attending residential schools and lived in severe poverty. The infant�s mother
was suspected to have been affected by prenatal exposure to alcohol.
Numerous health hazards in the family�s home had been reported to MCFD. Despite the information regarding the historical abuses affecting the family and active child protection involvement, no discharge planning was done by MCFD and the hospital when the infant was born. MCFD did not make contact with the family until six weeks after the birth. Public Health had extensive and frequent contact, noting the infant�s medical concerns relating to care and hospitalization for failure to thrive. MCFD was not advised of the hospitalization, nor did they appear to be monitoring the situation in order to know that the infant had been hospitalized.
MCFD received another report regarding the infant�s care, and the infant was removed from parental care at approximately four months of age. At the time of placement in the foster home, the foster parent noted that the infant�s body was covered with eczema and that the infant made �odd sounds.� The foster parent attempted to access medical care for the infant at a walk-in clinic but did not get to the clinic before it closed for the day. The infant died that night. The death was identified as sudden unexplained death in infancy with contributing health problems.

Heed's 'star candidate' status looking dim

You could make a pretty good movie based on Kash Heed's disastrous political career. A cautionary tale about ambition, the perils of modern politics and the risks of a "star candidate."
Heed was supposed to be a golden boy in the Liberal ranks. He looks good, presented well, at least in a superficial way, and was most recently chief of the West Vancouver police. Ambitious, confident of great things in his future, encouraged by Liberal operatives who pushed Wally Oppal out of the way to create a safe riding for Heed.
And it's all gone to ruin.
Heed is now going to B.C. Supreme Court to try and hold on to his seat. An Elections B.C. audit has determined that his campaign broke the rules. Candidates could not spend more $70,000 on their campaigns; an audit found he spent $4,165 over the limit, the office says.
There are a lot of other issues around the tainted campaign. But let's start with the spending.
It matters. Heed won by less than 850 votes. Illegal campaign spending could have tipped the balance.
B.C. has a Wild West approach to political donations that allows big backers to write unlimited cheques to support parties and candidates. Any violation of the few rules is significant.
Elections B.C. has been asking for a new finance report from the campaign since June and granted Heed repeated extensions.
Last month, it warned Heed's election could be declared invalid and a byelection held.
Heed is pleading ignorance. That's never a great defence, and particularly bad for a police chief and political star.
But in an affidavit filed on Christmas Eve, Heed says he had nothing to do with his campaign spending or financial reports. Oppal recommended two people to run the campaign. Heed says he accepted and they made all the decisions.
Heed says he can't compel them to provide the information and he knows nothing. So all should be forgiven.
But that would mean an election might have been stolen by cheating.
It's a scandal in itself. But there's more.
A Chinese-language brochure smearing the NDP with false allegations was sent out in Heed's riding near the end of the campaign. It was illegal, because there was no indication who sponsored it.
But an investigation linked it to the Liberal campaigners.
Heed's campaign manager Barinder Sall faces five charges as a result, including obstructing justice, submitting a fraudulent document and improper election advertising. Two others involved with the campaign also face charges.
The unreported spending on the brochure is part of the campaign overspending, Elections B.C. alleges.
Heed stepped down as solicitor general while the incident was investigated.
Last May, a special prosecutor cleared him. Gordon Campbell, off at a meeting in Europe, put him back in cabinet.
And then the special prosecutor revealed his law firm donated to Heed's campaign. He resigned. Heed stepped down again.
And a new special prosecutor was appointed and the investigation started again.
The police report is now with the new special prosecutor.
Now an RCMP application for search warrants alleges Heed used $6,000 in public funds that was supposed to furnish his office to pay two campaign workers, including the campaign manager.
It's quite a spectacular mess.
Heed has the right under the Election Act to ask the court to clear him if he acted "in good faith."
But his affidavit doesn't reveal any effort on his part to get the needed information or press his campaign's financial agent to complete the reports. And the act appears to say the "good faith defence" applies only if the financial agent and the candidate both are found to have met the standard. It's not enough for the candidate to plead ignorance.
The Liberals - politicians and party officials - have been silent on the affair.
But the prospect of a continuing scandal, and perhaps a byelection, can't be cheering.
Footnote: The searches also uncovered a 2008 e-mail in which Heed touted his prospects to his future campaign manager.
"Think of things this way: You are a trainer that has a few horses in your stable ," he allegedly wrote. "Wally [Oppal] is getting on and needs to be put out to pasture soon. You have a stallion that has been in training for some time and you and everyone else know he's a winner, but can't wait on the sidelines forever."
Oppal gave up his seat for Heed and lost in a new riding.

On Kash Heed and the RCMP contract

Two useful editorials in the Times Colonist today.

Heed's tainted election

"Liberal MLA Kash Heed is trying to escape the consequences of illegal campaign actions by pleading ignorance. It is a defence that cannot be allowed to stand, as it undermines the basic principles of fairness and democracy."

Read more here.

Changes needed in RCMP deal

"Citizens have a right to demand two things from police - accountability and a commitment to learn from mistakes and address problems. The RCMP has, so far, failed to meet the required standard.

The force's official response to its handling of the Robert Pickton case is disturbing. It raises serious doubts about the RCMP's willingness to change."

That editorial is here.

How serious is campaign spending oversight?

The Kash Heed affair is covered well elsewhere.
But a review of his affidavit material suggests a casual/sloppy attention to financial reporting.
The auditor's report on campaign finances, attached to the affidavit, was prepared by Robert Ikoma, the Burnaby chartered accountant who signed the opinion.
The heading says it's the "Auditor's Report on Kash Heed's Election Financing Report Pursuant to the Election Act."
But in the first paragraph, the auditor refers to the financial agent for Linda Reid, another Liberal candidate.
It looks like a standard form letter was prepared and candidates' names pasted in as needed.
And not, as this gaffe indicates, with any great care.

Monitor Lizard; Monitor Lizard Images; Monitor Lizard Sales

A monitor lizard is a unit of lizards that arrange in size from half a cadence tall (15cm) ranging all the way to the largest illustrious gigolo, the Komodo dragon, which can weigh up to 165 kilograms.

All monitor lizards are hot reptiles and numerous of these reptiles are really antipathetical. They all bed real lengthy claws and a rear which can be old to lash out at the smallest opposition of action. Don't be fooled by their size, since a cilium from equal the smallest Varan can result a earnest welt. Unlike some lizards, the supervisor gigolo cannot farm its projection position if it is lost.

Along with these uncolored defenses, the observe uses bear to shake off its predators. Still watchful with their heads to the sky, the defender testament often smoke out their throats and beat their bob, swing on a fearsome presentation. Their ribs may change slightly as they noise making this lizard actually seem larger than it really is.

The moitor's fasting consists of anything it can get its claws on. A carnivore, this gigolo testament eat nearly anything that it can fit in its interpreter, from search, beetles, beat scorpions, crocodile and birds, to eggs, pediculosis, opposite lizards, snakes, nestling birds, and squirrels.

To repeat, monitor lizards oft lay from 7-35 soft-shelled foodstuff in a hollow dug moral a riverbank or wood of trees along the food. The eggs incubate there for roughly 8-10 weeks before the teenage use a tart egg way to accident out of the leathery shells.

There are a surpring enumerate of opposite varieties of guardian lizards; here are two:

The Grassland defender or varanus exanthematicus, can color up to cardinal feet (1.5 meters) lengthy. It has a chromatic color with a few blanch ringlets and bands of excuse. This lizard makes its residence in key Africa in the hot and hard forests. It is is also rattling vary to existence on people and wet.

Another monition is the Nile watercraft or varanus niloticus. This part gigolo can colour to be 6 feet (1.8 meters) in length. It is noticable by the strip xanthous bands on its illumination university pare. The Nile Observe also makes its bag in Continent. It prefers to rest familiar to food, and it can swim for up to one distance. It is diurnal, or spry during the day.

Monitor Lizard; Monitor Lizard Images; Monitor Lizard Sales

The following article presents the very latest information on Monitor Lizard. If you have a particular interest about monitor lizard, then this informative article is required reading.

Monitors Lizard belong to the ancestry Varanidae. Few are diminutive reptiles of little than a beat in length, piece the Komodo dragon, the largest living lizard, grows to 364 lb. All monitors lizard are hot reptiles. They are acrobatic lizards, that may be rattling belligerent, lashing out with their eveningwear upon the slightest incitement. Smooth a bittie lizard can food a painful blow with its follower.

The claws of monitors lizard are elongate and tart. The jaws are really strong. Once they pierce something it is rattling difficult to get them to let go.

Monitors lizard are zoophagous and gift down anything they are resourceful of dismembering and reflex downcast. Species which resilient in or close liquid give readily eat fish.

Monitors lizard do not discharge themselves of their formalwear, equivalent any new lizards. Once unregenerate, the spy of a varan does not develop rearmost.

The Savanna protector, Varanus exanthematicus, is also glorious as the Foreland lizard. It grows to 5 feet. Its embody is olive abolitionist, mostly unmarked. A few hold marking bands on the body; wan spots decorated in uncheerful emancipationist to bleak forming the traverse bands.

They are recovered in feature and middle Africa in unobstructed timber and rocky savannas, in hot, desiccated areas. They bask oft and are nimble both on acres and in thing.

The River shielder, Varanus niloticus, grows to 6 feet. It is moody brown-black with discolour to old bands and spots forming injured thwartwise bands on the embody.

It is diffused in Africa eliminate the northwest. It stays confidential to wet, and can fall for up to one period. It is very spry on overland and in the wet.

Numerous species have their heads unbowed on their longish necks, which gives them the attending of existence sleepless. They discourage predators by fastening out with their formalwear, inflating their throats, sibilation loudly, movement sideway, and press their bodies.

They are mostly terrestrial, but galore are nimble climbers and complete swimmers. The reverse is somewhat shut in histrion dwellers, really compressed in amphibious monitors lizard.

Monitors lizard threaten by maiden the representative, inflating the cervix and hissing. The ribs may extend, flattening the top of the body, or the embody may virtuous grow slightly. This makes the defender await large than it actually is. It ofttimes raises up on its posterior legs conscionable before attacking. The empennage delivers a well-aimed snow.

Monitors lizard lean to stomach their quarry undivided, similar snakes. Monitors lizard are daylight lizards and most species actively activity for nutrient. Several species eat carrion, colossus onshore snails, grasshoppers, beetles, whip scorpions, crocodile and birds; eggs, crabs, search, different lizards, snakes, nestling birds, shrews and squirrels.


Struggle between males is often observed during the socialisation flavor in whatever species. Monitors lizard lay 7 to 35 soft-shelled eggs, unremarkably deposited in holes in riverbanks or in trees along facility courses. The Nile protector often lays its eggs in termite nests. There is short or no sexual dimorphism (difference in pretending).

Eggs are 2 inches lasting with leathery shells. Incubation is 8 to 10 weeks. The young use an egg tooth to rise.

Take time to consider the points presented above. What you learn may help you overcome your hesitation to take action.

FSA tests far too useful to boycott or kill

It's important to know how we're preparing our children for the challenges ahead.
And it's stunning, even tragic, that the teachers' union campaign to kill the Foundation Skills Assessment tests in B.C. schools has made such gains.
The tests, introduced by the NDP government in 2000, provide a snapshot of student performance.
Every year, students in Grade 4 and Grade 7 write tests to assess their basic skills in reading, writing and math.
Of course, the results aren't definitive. But they give parents a report on how their children are doing in developing basic skills that are essential for life today. (And no, report cards with their often bafflingly oblique comments are not a substitute.)
The results also identify classrooms, schools and districts where children are doing better than average in learning to read, write and do math.
That's important. A teacher might have come up with great ways to help children soar in math skills.
But unless the success is measured and identified, the knowledge might never be transferred to other schools.
The value goes much farther. We have more than a decade worth of data now, information that's invaluable for researchers.
The University of B.C.'s Human Early Learning Partnership, for example, used FSA data to look at the link between where children lived and how they did in school.
The researchers followed 2,648 students from kindergarten to Grade 7. Partly, the findings were expected. Children from affluent neighbourhoods had better skills, unsurprising given advantages from preschool programs to better nutrition.
But the study also found that even if students moved to more affluent neighbourhoods, their performance in basic skills lagged.
That's important for anyone who cares about equal opportunity for children. The research shows the focus has to be on children's lives from birth to the time the start kindergarten.
And according to the researchers, the study would have been impossible without the FSA test results.
The B.C. Teachers Federation has waged war against the tests. They take too much time, the union says. But six tests in 12 years of schooling hardly seems onerous.
Some teachers spend too much time in preparing students, the union says. But that's a professional problem for teachers to deal with.
Results can be misused, the federation complains. Indeed they can; but it's insulting to claim the rest of us are incapable of identifying misuse.
Schools do much more than help students read and write, the union argues. Which is true; but it's not an argument against assessing progress in those skills.
Parents and policy makers know you can't reasonably compare results from an expensive private school and a school drawing students from a poor community where many children are learning English as a second language.
But you can compare two schools and classes from similar rural communities. And you can learn something it one is much more successful in helping children develop the core skills for a successful, happy life.
The union's opposition is disheartening. It hasn't offered a pragmatic alternative.
The campaign seems aimed at removing any independent assessment of children's progress in learning basic skills. That's in the interests of the union's members. And, legally, that is the first priority for the union.
But it's not in the interest of students or of society.
It matters that children should be able to read and write and comfortably calculate interest rates and the costs of groceries.
The teachers' federation has waged a fairly effective boycott campaign. And, on some level, many others in the system are also keen on the idea of killing one of the few measures that let us look at one aspect of how well our kids are doing in developing basic competence. Politicians are caving.
It's sad time for anyone who believes it's important for all children to have a fair chance at success in this life.
Footnote: The government undermines the tests as well. If the information was used to find ways of improving student learning - from anti-poverty measures to new approaches to teaching and learning - the government would have a much stronger argument. That has happened far too rarely.

Christy Clark's baffling campaign

A couple of items last week raised questions about Christy Clark's campaign positions.
Over at closer-look.blogspot.com, Jody Paterson reprints a Clark release on the role of non-profits and comments:.

"Here's Christy Clark on...what, exactly? I do quite a bit of work with the non-profit sector and am familiar with the initiatives she mentions here, but I still couldn't make heads or tails out of what the Liberal leadership candidate was actually saying in this news release."

And Les Leyne of the Times Colonist tried to puzzle out what Clark was actually saying about the HST referendum. Her explanations were nearly incomprehensible. His conclusion was summed up by the column's headline.

"One flaw in Clark's HST plan: It's nuts"

Kevin Falcon's promise to solve Victoria's traffic congestion - something he never paid any attention to in five years as transportation minister - also gets a look in the Times Colonist, in an editorial.

Meanwhile, an important and concrete commitment from George Abbott hasn't got much attention.
Abbott has pledged to bring in civilian oversight for the RCMP.
More significantly, he's also said the current RCMP policing contract should be extended for two years to ensure that the oversight actually happens and is included in the agreement. He also says the delay in signing a new 20-year deal would allow recommendations from the inquiry into the missing women case to be included in the contract.
The government seems intent on rushing into a new long-term commitment; Abbott offers a smarter, more responsible course.
His release is here.

New Democrats off to disastrously self-destructive start

The New Democrats� stumbling start to the leadership race should leave loyalists in despair and raise questions - again - about the sense in forcing Carole James out as leader.
The contest has barely begun and it has been hit with a divisive scandal.
To be eligible to vote in the April 17 leadership ballot, people had to join the party by 5 p.m. last Monday.
All the campaign teams had scrambled to sign up new members who would vote for their candidate. They carted in completed membership applications - each accompanied by the required donation - through the day.
But organizers for Adrian Dix showed up with big batches of memberships and separate piles of cash, then started attaching the money to the application forms.
Candidates Harry Lali and Mike Farnworth both cried foul, Lali most vigorously.
The complaints were that the memberships weren't submitted with the money, as required, and that the Dix workers were still pulling the material together after the 5 p.m. deadline.
But the fear was that the Dix campaign had undertaken a campaign of mass sign-ups of instant members in South Asian ethnic communities. The stacks of cash raised questions about whether the new party members had actually made the required donations themselves or whether the campaign was picking up the tab.
It's a common political tactic. Send some well-connected operatives into a close-knit community, sign up hundreds or thousands of members, and you can control a riding association or a leadership race.
It's also destructive. The instant members disappear the day after the vote. Real party members find they've been elbowed out of the process, so they drift away. Supporters of losing candidates feel cheated. And the party is left, in many cases, with a leader without real support.
The New Democrats hoped to reduce the problems by setting an early deadline for new members who would be eligible to vote. It didn't seem to work.
The other candidates are right to be concerned.
The NDP had something like 12,000 members when James was ousted. The numbers have climbed as candidates signed up new members, but an influx of several thousand instant members supporting one contender could tip the scales. The race could be over before real party members were even sure who was running.
NDP provincial secretary Jan O'Brien ruled the memberships were valid. They got there before 5 p.m. even if they weren't complete by that time.
O'Brien acknowledged the rules issued to all the candidates said each membership must be submitted with individual payments attached, but she had now decided that was a "redundant, internal process." She woudn�t enforce the rules.
At best, the New Democrats look like bunglers, setting campaign rules - which most candidates played by - and then ignoring them.
And at worst, the party looks to be condoning mass sign-ups paid for by third parties and favouring one candidate over the others.
Farnworth said he accepts the ruling; Lali says he hasn�t ruled out legal action over the memberships.
The party might be able to satisfy both with a pledge to contact a large sample of the new members to establish if they actually joined and made the required personal donation.
It's hard to see any renewal in all this, which the anti-James people said they were looking for.
The four leading candidates are holdovers from the Clark government of the 1990s. Farnworth and Lali were in cabinet; Horgan and Dix were political staffers, with stints in the premier's office. Dix resigned after faking a document in an attempt to help deflect attention from Clark in the casino scandal. Only Nicholas Simons is a relatively new face and he is a long shot.
The race is already tainted with scandal and allegations of fraud.
And the Liberals, I expect, are very pleased.
Footnote: The Liberals are looking wise in having adopted a process that gives each riding 100 votes, no matter how many members it has. The votes are allocated based on a constituency vote. This reduces the benefits of mass sign-ups and gives candidates from outside the Lower Mainland, where sign-ups are easier, a better chance.

Why MLAs don't get more respect

People should admire politicians, be proud of them. They should have the support of their fellow citizens, who selected them in an election process.
So why doesn't it work that way more often?
It's an important question. If the people we elect to represent us don't have our respect, neither does government or the rule of law. There is no reason to pay taxes or accept the rules of a government that you don't consider legitimate.
Rich Coleman just offered a pretty good example of part of the problem
MLAs have refused to reveal their expense claims - how much they get for food, housing in the capital and other costs.
They promised disclosure last May.
In July, it became a big issue when filings required by cabinet ministers revealed Ida Chong had claimed $5,921 in meal allowances - even thought she lived 10 kilometres from the legislature.
MLAs are entitled to a $61 per day meal allowance when the legislature is sitting or they're on government business. (No receipts needed; they can grab a bagel, pizza slice and burger for the day and pocket $40.) Chong claimed 98 days worth of meal allowances.
If you're from Dawson Creek, maybe you need a meal allowance. But not if you live in the capital and are paid $150,000 a year.
Chong is not likely alone. New Democrat MLAs from the capital region supported Chong. And they refused to say how much they had claimed in taxpayer-funded meal allowances.
But the good news was that the controversy forced MLAs to promise an end to secrecy by last September.
It hasn't happened. Mike de Jong, the former Liberal house leader, said MLAs were resisting disclosure of how they spent taxpayers' money.
No, said Coleman, the current house leader. "I'm not finding a lot of opposition to it."
It's January. Disclosure was supposed to happen four months ago. In the real world, that's a problem. There is no commitment on when taxpayers will get the facts.
Coleman wasn't being candid. If there was no resistance, the September commitment would have been met.
Kevin Krueger offered another reason politicians are held in disrepute.
The cabinet minister bristled during a Kamloops radio interview about an announcement of hospital improvements when the host noted New Democrat health critic Adrian Dix had campaigned for the changes.
"If there ever was a guy who shouldn't put his head up to get it shot off - as the soldiers refer to it - it's Adrian Dix," Krueger responded.
In the week after the week after a politician and 19 others were shot in Tucson, it was an especially dumb remark.
But it would have been a dumb remark anytime. Dix had pushed for needed improvements to the hospital, especially to equipment that left surgeons starting operations with dirty instruments. That's just the truth; slagging him doesn't change it.
Dumb remarks are human. Krueger said he realized right away he had made a mistake.
Still he initially told the Globe and Mail he wouldn't apologize.
Dix is "constantly negative" and has a "reprehensive history" in B.C. politics, Krueger said. "It was an off-the-cuff comment that I do regret, but I certainly don't think anyone owes Adrian Dix an apology."
So according to Krueger, only some people can be wronged. People who are "constantly negative" don't have the a right to expect fair treatment.
Krueger did apologize later. But it was too late. Who could know if it was his conscience, or the public affairs bureau commanding the change of heart.
These people can do better. Certainly many voters expect better of them.
The recall campaign against Chong looks like it will fall short of the required 40 per cent of registered voters. But it seems likely more people will sign petitions calling for her firing than voter for her in 2009.
Chong is a perfectly average MLA. The strength of the recall effort shows many voters expect more from their elected representatives.
Footnote: MLAs do have a high opinion of their own value. They can claim up to $19,000 a year for a capital residence if they're from outside Victoria. That's four times as much as a single disabled person gets in income assistance for shelter. Chong's meal claims were just slightly less than a disabled person gets for all expenses except housing for an entire year. And MLAs increased their pay 34 per cent in five years, while the average wage in B.C. rose 12 per cent.

'Melding news with drama, politics with theatre'

The Globe had an interesting weekend piece on "Five reasons why gun control has been disarmed" on the weekend.
Anyone interested in building public/popular support around issues should take a lok.
I was struck by a section on the gun lobby's response after "a string of catastrophic school shootings" before the U.S. elections in 2000.

"So they called in the pros.
The NRA hired the Mercury Group, a high-powered consulting company that describes itself on its website as 'masters at melding news with drama, politics with theatre, and public affairs with popular buzz to make your message sing and your story sell.'
Their client list includes the Navajo Nation, the International Association of Amusement Parks and Attractions, and the Air Force Memorial Foundation.
Mercury Group worked with the NRA to identify key states to target with their new campaign: 'Vote Freedom First.'
The campaign featured radio and television ads, billboards, bumper stickers and 'other collateral materials.' Huge 'Freedom First' rallies were organized in dozens of cities in swing states leading up to election day.
Afterward, the NRA and Mercury Group declared victory, citing an 85 per cent success rate in state and local elections of sympathetic candidates, a pro-NRA majority seated in the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate, and 'a pro-NRA President in the White House.'"

The Mercury Group's description of their role is useful for anyone who is thinking about how to influence opinion (or is the target of such efforts).

Leadership races both entering important phase

The Liberal and NDP races are both finally under way, but much of the work right now is behind the scenes, as candidates scramble to sign up new party members who will support them.
That's critical, especially for the New Democrat hopefuls. Their leadership ballot is April 17; to be able to vote, people have to be party members by Jan. 17. The Liberal contest is Feb. 26, but anyone who joins by Feb. 4 will be able to vote
So the serious candidates and their camps are rushing to sign up new members. A few thousand new party members - if they vote - could tip the balance.
It's striking how much the leadership campaigns have come to resemble election campaigns, with pollsters, full-time staff and - paid or not - and tightly scripted agendas.
It's also striking, especially on the Liberal side, how important lobbyists and government relations consultants are to the candidates' efforts.
The practitioners increasingly move from lobbying politicians to helping them raise money or win elections or leadership races and then back to lobbying the same politicians.
Take the well-connected Progressive Group. The firm's Patrick Kinsella, of B.C. Rail fame, is helping Christy Clark. Mark Jiles, also of the Progressive Group, is assisting George Abbott's campaign, as is Sarah Weddell of National Public Relations, another company that sells companies advice on getting government to see things their way.
And the emails I get from Kevin Falcon's campaign come from the Pace Group. Norman Stowe, its managing partner is supporting Falcon; the company's vice-president for media relations is handling communications for the leadership contest. The Pace Group has millions of dollars worth of government contracts and advises others on dealing with governments.
And it's striking how much money these campaigns will cost. The New Democrats have set a campaign spending limit of $175,000 for candidates; the Liberals are rumoured to be imposing a $450,000 limit per candidate.
The parties also differ on donations.
The New Democrats have set a $2,500 limit on contributions. The idea is that large donations can create real or perceived conflicts of interest - that a successful candidate will be indebted to big backers, or that shape his actions to suit them.
The Liberals have no limits. A single business, for example, could entirely fund the campaign of the leadership candidate of its choice.
Both parties have to live by the Elections Act, which requires public disclosure of donations.
But the New Democrats have added a useful refinement. Candidates will have to publicly report all donations of more than $250 before party members vote.
That's a much more meaningful measure. If the sources of a candidates' cash cause concern, members will have a chance to ask questions and consider the issue before voting.
Once the membership sign-up deadlines are past, the leadership candidates will turn to courting the current party faithful, setting out a platform that differentiates them from their rivals and trying to show they are popular enough to win the next election.
The last task is important. It's one thing to appeal to people already in your party's camp. But most sensible party members will be looking for candidate who can win the next election, not one who offers the prospect of a noble defeat.
At this point, that might be good news for George Abbott, particularly if Christy Clark and Kevin Falcon end up running hard against each other and raise the fear of divisions in the party.
It's harder to figure out which New Democrat offers the best prospects for electoral success. John Horgan, Mike Farnworth and, likely, Adrian Dix, are credible candidates. (Harry Lali and Nicholas Simons are unlikely likely to persuade Liberal voters that they offer a better plan for the province.)
And none of the main NDP candidates represents renewal - Dix, Farnworth, Horgan and Lali are all associated with the discredited New Democrat government of the 1990s.
Footnote: The challenge for candidates in both parties is to stake out a distinctive position without attacking other hopefuls. That's important both to keep the party united and because no candidate is likely to get a majority on the first ballot; alienating supporters of other candidates could be costly.

Casino money laundering suspicious cases soar

Criminals love casinos. They're great places for loan sharking and passing counterfeit money.
And even more important for the serious crooks, casinos are the easiest place to launder money.
The CBC used freedom of information requests to learn that millions of dollars in suspicious transactions flowed through two B.C. casinos in three months last year. The casino companies told B.C. Lotteries, but no one passed the information on to police immediately.
These aren't slightly suspicious transactions. In one case, a man entered a New Westminster casino with $1.2 million worth of chips. He didn't place a bet. He just turned them in and took the money in cash.
He told staff he was boarding a flight and was concerned the money might look suspicious. So the casino gave him a letter confirming the money was a casino payout.
It's a classic money-laundering scenario. Crime - drug dealing, robbery, whatever - can produce lots of cash. Banks have to report deposits of more than $10,000 to FINTRAC, a federal agency that fights money laundering and organized crime. Even if money is broken into smaller deposits to come under the limit, a criminal might end up having to explain where all the money came from.
Instead, criminals can buy chips in casinos, cash them in and get a cheque or, in this case, cash with a letter suggesting they were winnings. The money is clean.
In another case uncovered by the CBC, a man entered a Richmond casino with a bag stuffed with $460,000 in $20 bills and bought chips. The casino reported that there was nothing suspicious in the transaction.
All told, there were 90 large transactions worth $8 million in three months.
The RCMP only learned about this after the fact. Insp. Barry Baxter, with the unit that tracks the proceeds of crime, said the police suspect money laundering. "The common person would say this stinks," he said.
Casinos also have to report large transactions to FINTRAC, the federal Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre, and also report to police and the province's Gaming Policy Enforcement Branch. But the reports aren't required for 30 days; a quick first step would be to require immediate reporting to police.
Rich Coleman, the minister responsible for gambling, initially downplayed the reports. He later promised an investigation.
But none of this is surprising.
The government's Gaming Policy and Enforcement Branch 2006 annual report, for example, warned of a crime explosion at casinos, with investigations into offences like loan sharking and money laundering more than doubling in a year.
Last year, it was revealed B.C. Lotteries had been fined $670,000 under federal laws aimed at combating money laundering and terrorism financing. There were more than 1,000 infractions; in eight cases, the most basic information wasn't collected when people walked out of casinos with more than $10,000.
FINTRAC said fines are only imposed for a "persistent, chronic failure to comply with the law."
Despite the warnings, enforcement has been minimal. In 2009, the government shut down the five-year-old specialized police unit created to target gambling-related crime.
And the enforcement branch's just-released annual report for the 2009-10 fiscal year reveals that it opened 635 investigations into money laundering, loan sharking and counterfeit offences in casinos, without laying a single charge.
Again, none of this is surprising. Casinos want to make money. Coleman and B.C. Lotteries are responsible for increasing the number of gamblers in the province, the average amount each one loses and the province's take.
Cracking down on transactions that could be linked to money laundering is a threat to those goals. Casinos fear that asking for information from big gamblers could drive away some of their best customers.
The obvious, and long overdue, first step is end the inherent conflict in having one minister responsible both for promoting gambling losses and fighting crime in casinos.
Footnote: The CBC reported that reports to FINTRAC showed that while the dollar value of suspicious transactions at casinos in other provinces stayed the same or went down in the past year, they tripled in B.C.

A lot more oversight for fish farm industry

The Times Colonist has an interesting editorial looking at the shift of most responsibilities for the fish-farm infustry from the provincial to federal government as a result of a lawsuit.
The numbers tell the story. The federal DFO is adding 52 positions in B.C. � most on the Island � to monitor the farms, enforce regulations, share information and develop managememnt policy.
The provincial government is eliminating 13 positions as a result of the shift.
The feds are committing four times as many people to do the same work.
The editorial is here.

Falcon's confusing merit-pay pitch underwhelms

Kevin Falcon's proposal to introduce merit pay for teachers remains a mystery. That's not a good thing in a leadership campaign.
In interviews this week, Falcon proposed a radical re-ordering of teachers' compensation that would lead to huge battles with their union.
No more pay grid based on seniority with regular raises. "Teachers' growth in income shouldn't just be determined by how long they have been in a classroom, but by how well they are doing their job," he said.
Hard to argue with in the abstract. My children had teachers who were brilliant, committed and devoted great amounts of extra time to helping students and they had some who were duds. It would be nice if their pay recognized their effectiveness.
And the idea is would appeal to the party's right wing.
But it's pointlessly impractical. There's no way to measure teacher effectiveness currently in place in B.C. Any effort would involve huge costs, including much more testing.
It's not a realistic goal in bargaining with the B.C. Teachers Federation, which is adamantly opposed. Going ahead would mean - once more - using legislation to rip up contracts the government has already agreed to.
And there is mixed evidence on whether merit pay actually improves educational outcomes for students.
All in, not a sound public policy proposal.
In a campaign press release, Falcon changed directions, proposing a "master teacher incentive program." Better teachers - judged on a range of criteria, from test result improvements to peer reviews to parents' reviews - would get extra pay.
They would be encouraged to share their skills and experience as mentors. The program could be extended to whole schools, Falcon said.
The model could be based on a proposal by Australia's Labour government, he said.
That would be expensive. Australia proposes to pay almost 10 per cent of teachers an extra $8,000 a year in merit pay. The cost in B.C. would be about $25 million.
And Australia hasn't actually done it, so there are no results to monitor.
But it's a more sensible proposal than empty talk about a merit-pay plan with no chance of implementation or strong supporting evidence.
The whole process left Falcon looking like a less-than-serious candidate. No one should expect fully costed, studied proposals during a leadership race. Part of the point is to hear new ideas from the contenders.
But it's reasonable to expect clarity about what the candidate is proposing, rather than two contradictory versions.
It would also have been welcome if Falcon had talked about a more modest, inclusive approach, rather than another provincewide edict from government.
Why not invite three school districts to submit merit pay plans, developed with teachers (and their union), principals, school board and school councils, fund them and see what worked?
All the candidates should be addressing some of the major education issues - dismal graduation rates for aboriginal students, the loss of students to private schools, the failure to improve student achievement (while acknowledging it is, compared to other jurisdictions, very good).
Falcon also got things wrong in his press release. "A high quality education system is the best anti-poverty initiative and the best health program government can advance," he said.
Educational achievement is critical for creating opportunities for individuals and a strong province. Educated graduates are healthier and less likely to be poor.
But Falcon has it backward.
Reducing the number of poor kids in B.C. is the best educational and health program government can advance.
Children who grow up in poverty have lower educational achievement, worse lifetime health and lower incomes and are more likely to commit crimes. Those are facts.
Instead of expecting the school system to change all that, we need to hear a plan - so far missing after nine years of Liberal government - to reduce the number of children living in poverty in this rich province.
Footnote: George Abbott rejected, nicely, Falcon's plan. He called for a broader focus on helping students in their first years in school. Christ Clark said the idea had merit, but wasn't worth the conflict it would create. Mike de Jong said he needed more information before commenting.

Government news, or party advertising

I wrote last month about a highly spun provincial government release on job grown reported in StatsCan monthly release, suggesting in a post that taxpayers shouldn't be paying for what looked like party advertising.
The point was reinforced this month. B.C. lost 22,000 jobs, 19,900 of them full-time, StatsCan reported.
But there was no release from the provincial government.
If news releases about job numbers are actually a useful government communications effort, then they would go out whether the numbers made the party in power look good, or bad, and would provide context.
If releases only are sent when the news is good, then the party should be paying � as the Liberals would have once, long ago, agreed.

Softwood border skirmish raises issue for B.C. taxpayers

The latest skirmish in the perpetual softwood lumber battle with the U.S. is worth your attention.
American lumber producers are complaining, again, that B.C. is subsidizing forest companies based in the province. That�s giving the companies an unfair advantage and costing profits and jobs in the U.S., they argue.
If the complaints are legitimate, it also means B.C. taxpayers are losing out on payments we should be getting for the trees.
The American grumbling is to be expected. The industry maintains a pretty much permanent effort to fight imported lumber from Canada, using lobbyists, political allies and the softwood lumber agreement appeals process.
But their criticisms are being supported by forest researchers here and at least one Canadian industry executive.
The issue is stumpage. We own most of the trees in the province. Companies have to pay for them when they cut them down. The price is set by government, partly based on market forces.
The American producers argue the stumpage system is rigged to give the companies the wood at a big discount. Their companies, which pay market prices for trees on private land, can�t compete.
The pine beetle is at the centre of the latest offensive.
The government sets a dirt-cheap stumpage rate for low-value wood - traditionally trees too small or low quality to be used for lumber, which ended up being shredded and made into pulp. The rate, at 25 cents per cubic metre, pretty much gives the trees away. The stumpage rate for trees destined for lumber has been about 50 times greater.
But since the latest softwood agreement was signed in 2006, more and more wood has graded at the lowest rate. About 10 per cent of logs used for timber used to qualify for the 25-cent rate, the U.S. industry says. That�s climbed to 50 per cent. (All this courtesy of a report in The Oregonian, Portland�s newspaper. The issue has been getting media attention south of the border.)
Forest Minister Pat Bell says the stumpage being charged is appropriate. Vast tracts of dead forest, killed by the pine beetle, are deteriorating in quality. The trees are worth less and tougher to use for lumber.
But Rick Doman, tracked down by the Oregonian, disagrees. He fought unsuccessfully to save Doman Industries, his families� Island-based forest company and now runs Eacom Timber Group of Montreal.
Doman says the U.S. producers are right. Good quality wood is being graded falsely to give the companies a great deal. The pine beetle-killed lumber was good enough to use in the Richmond Olympic Oval, he notes.
The Canadian companies are getting a gift from government, the U.S. industry faces unfair competition and B.C. taxpayers are the �losers,� he told the Oregonian.
It�s tough to know who is right. Government forest revenues have plummeted from $1.2 billion in 2005-6 to about $345 million last year. But the recession and collapse of the U.S. housing market were the major factors.
Still, forestry revenues were equal to 19 per cent of the value of exports in 2005; that�s fallen to 12 per cent in 2009. If trees had been selling to the companies for the same average stumpage levels today as they were four years ago, taxpayers could expect an extra $200 million in revenue this year.
The consultation process under the softwood lumber agreement didn�t produce any settlement. The next step, while political pressure continues, is arbitration.
British Columbians should be watching that with as much interest as the American industry.
The whole issue would be a useful topic for review by the province�s auditor general. As well as concerns about stumpage rates, earlier reviews have highlighted risks in letting companies set their own grades for public wood, an inadequate number of spot checks and puny fines for violations.
Footnote: The low stumpage rates have protected jobs. The cheap timber has encouraged companies to invest in more efficient mills in the interior to deal with the pine beetle-killed wood and opened opportunities in using the fibre to produce electricity.

Government buys an addiciton treatment centre

Jody Paterson draws attention to a surprising announcement from the government three days before Christmas. It's stepping in to spend $3 million to buy the property occupied by the Baldy Hughes Treatment Centre near Prince George, and promising more than $1 million annually in operating funds.
The project, based on a program in Italy, was launched by former Liberal MLA and cabinet minister Lorne Mayencourt. It's an interesting project, but the one-off deal takes a lot of money as existing addiction programs struggle with underfunding.